Should Turkey be allowed to join the European Union?

Should misfire be exclusivelyowed to articulatio the European Union?ExecutiveSummary The membership of joker is one of the about controversial external relations issues of the European Union (EU). misfire is an important trading partner for the EU and provides numerous sparing returnss to the union. Addition all(prenominal)y, it has a strategic location, allowing it to play an important regional and strange indemnity role. However, there ar issues connect to duds door, much(prenominal) as large migration flows to to a greater extent economicalally developed EU-15 countries as tumesce as a sub bar homo rights situation within the land (Gerhards and Hans, 2011 751). Overall, this policy note recommends that misfire should be allowed to join the EU on the basis of EU economic development and international policy advantages. disrespect the issues related to opening of washout into the EU, this constitution argues that EU-membership go forth work as a catalyst for Turkish institutional reforms.Introduction Turkish presentation into the European Union is ahighly topicious issue. bomb calorimeter hasprogressed on the path to EU membership in spite of persistent and change magnitude variance of membership preferences (Schimmelfennig, 2009 413-415). Turkey, with itslarge, dynamic economy, is an important trading partner for the EU, it as well as hasa strategic location, including on energy security, and plays an importantregional role. Equally, the EU remains an important anchor for Turkeyseconomic and policy-making reform (Progress declare, 2013 1). This paper go out firstprovide an analysis and muster in of the different factors relating to theaccession of Turkey into the EU. It willexplore economic factors, cultural factors and political factors. Finally, this paper will recommend thatTurkey should be allowed to join the EU due to its positive affect on EUeconomic development, as well as the fact that Turkey has made nice prog ress in going a lot of the Accession criteria mend out in the Copenhagen agreement. This paper will also make recommendations on whatTurkey must do in prescribe to fully meet EU standards for accession. ContextTurkey first became affiliated with the EU in1963 later on signing an associate membership agreement with the then European Community. The decisions to giveTurkey a membership perspective and to open accession negotiations stool beenhighly controversial among member state governments and have tended to develop broad and meshingive negotiations as well as uneasy compromises(Schimmelfennig, 2009 414). A major breakthrough came at theHelsinki meeting of the European Council in 1999, when Turkey attained statusas a give noticedidate for membership. It now has a so-called Accession Partnershipwith the EU, which means that the EU is working(a) unneurotic with Turkey to en subject it to adopt the acquis communautaire, whichis the legal framework of the EU (Togan, 2004 1013). The Copenhagen Criteria showing astates ability to take on the acquis communautaire, the economiccriteria for a functional market economy, and above all, stability ofinstitutions guaranteeing democracy, the order of law, human rights and respectfor and protection of minorities (Schimmelfennig, 2009 420). Overall, Turkey has made noteworthy efforts to fulfil pass along accession criteria throughsocio-economic and cultural convergence with EU Member States. epitomeEconomic FactorsMany studies have shown that economic factorsplay a significant role in shaping attitudes towards different aspects ofEuropean integration. Turkeysprogress on meeting the requirements of the Copenhagen Criteria is confirmed bysocioeconomic indicators that light upon the take aim of modernization of thecountry (Alber, 2007). Turkey is the 17thlargest economy globally, and the most current EU progress report states thatTurkey has sufficient macroeconomic stability and the medium-term capabilityfor integr ation into the single European market (Gerhards and Hans, 2011 744). Turkey is a large and fast expanding market,it is the largest market in the Middle East, Balkans and Caucasus. gibe tothe World Bank, Turkish GDP is as large as 80 per cent of Russian GDP (Togan,2004 1043). Turkey, located at the crossroads amongstEurope, Eurasia and the Middle East, has the probable to act as a major radio linkbetween these markets. Withharmonization of commercial legislation, EU companies will be able to useTurkey as a joint investment and merchandise base for the Middle East and Eurasia. Moreover, Istanbul is emerging astransnational corporations furnish for operations in the Caucasus andCentral Asia. The EU will derive potential gains from adjoind trade in theregion (Togan, 2004 1043-1044).Overall, the Progress Report on Turkeys EUAccession (2013 4) states that Turkey is a carrying into action market economy, andshould therefore be able to cope with competitive insistence and market fo rceswithin the Union in the medium term.Additionally, with Turkish accession current members will derive welf atomic number 18gains from standard comparative advantage sources and also from growth effectsof integration. This report argues that accession of Turkeyto the EU will bring economic benefits for Turkey as well as to the EUitself. The largest economic gains canbe obtained through reforms of national institutions in Turkey that improve thefunctioning of the public sector and provide transparentness to investors andtraders (Lejour and Mooij, 2005 117). Integration will re light upon thedistortions in the price system, boosting the allocative efciency in theeconomy, which in turn will make the country a better authority to invest. Furthermore, with accession Turkey will beeligible for EU morphologic funds. The increase in infrastructural investments willcontribute to economic growth in Turkey. In addition, Turkey will reap benetsfrom monetary integration, and nally, Turkey w ill benet from migration ofTurkish promote to the EU (Togan, 2004 1042). The key theoretical constructs investigatedto apologise opposition to Turkeys EU membership are related to rationaleconomic self-interest and group-level interests and concerns (McClaren, 2007251). Turkey is relatively poor andagricultural, it can therefore be argued that Turkish membership is plausibly toincrease the divergence of living standards in the EU, create a high potentialfor labour migration and instigate demand for high net payments from the structuraland agricultural funds. well macrocosm gainsthat will be derived by Turkey from integration will have a price. The pricewill be the adjustment costs associated with the advancement of macroeconomicstability, adoption of CAP, liberalization of services and network industries,and complying with EU environmental directives (Togan, 2004 1042).Migration/Cultural Factors In addition to direct fiscal implications,EU member states are subject to another p ossible economic consequence ofTurkish accession, in-migration.Hostility to Turkeys candidacy can be explained by the threateningcontext of Turkish migration (McClaren, 2007 251). It can be argued that migration flows couldhave veto economic consequences, such as increased competition in special segments of the labour market.In particular, countries in the more economically developed EU-15 arelikely to be affected to the highest degree (Gerhards and Hans, 2011 751),moreover it will likely take decades before Turkey attains an income levelcomparable to these countries. This will occur to be a strong incentive for migration from Turkey to other EUcountries, EU-15 countries fear that the immigrants will depress wages, boost unemploymentand cause social crash and political upheavals (Togan, 2004 1031-1032).However, one assumption in theanalysis of Turkish migration is that all labour is homogenous. In reality labour is highly differentiated gibe to many factors, which results in the e ffects of migration for incomedistribution and social welfare proper less clear-cut. The empirical research on the economic effectsof immigration indicates fairly small and on the whole positive effects. Employment opportunities are not affectedmuch, the wage of low skilled labour is downhearted somewhat but that of skilledlabour is raised, and the net present entertain of public transfers is positive (Togan,2004 1043). Therefore, this paperargues that with appropriate measures, immigration is not inevitably anegative consequence of Turkeys accession into the EU.It is not just the threat to resourcespresented by Turks that affects feelings about the Turkish candidacy, threatsto culture and way of life are likely to be curiously strong in the Turkishcase (Ivarsflaten, 2005). In addition tothe possible problem of being perceived as traditional or backward, Turkeyfaces the potential barrier of being predominantly Muslim (McClaren, 2007258). The recent drawbacks in thenegotiation s of the EU with Croatia, Serbia, and Turkey have been caused byissues of national identity related to legacies of ethnic conflict that arelikely to create high political costs to the physical object governments. As a result,whereas dead body has remained high, effectiveness is reduced (Schimmelfennig,2004 918). Nevertheless, sociostructuraldifferences between Turkey and the EU Member States have been shrinking. The percentage of the Turkish populationworking in agriculture has sunk, education levels have risen and the overallstandard of living has increased (Gerhards and Hans, 2011 744).The commission critiques Turkeyon its human rights situation, on its limited freedom of speech and on its lackof gender equality. However, fit into the Freedom House Index, Turkey has improved consistently in its level ofdemocratization, political freedom and civil liberties over recent years(Gerhards and Hans, 2011 744). Overall,these improvements give measurable developments regarding Turkeys c onvergencewith the EU and its fulfilment of EU accession criteria. Additionally, Freedom in the Press hasimproved, however, it still has a long way to go in order to reach the levelsof freedom held by EU-15 countries. Keyprovisions of the Turkish legal framework and their interpretation by membersof the judiciary continue to hamper freedom of expression, including freedom ofthe media (Progress Report, 2013 2).Foreign polityThecommission emphasized Turkeysincreasingly important foreign policy significance for Europe, for object lesson itsintermediary role between Syria and Israel, its diplomatical approaches withArmenia, and above all, its role in the military conflict between Russia andatomic number 31 (Schmid, 2008). Turkey hascontinued to play an important role in its wider neighbourhood, for exampleexpanding its activities as a non-traditional donor in the Horn of Africa,supporting participatory transition in North Africa, and enhancing cooperationwith and between Afghanistan and Pakistan. It has played a particularlyimportant role on Syria, supporting the development of a more unifiedopposition and providing vital humanitarian assistance to large numbers pool ofSyrians fleeing their country (Progress Report, 2013 3). This suggests Turkey is meeting criteria ofthe Copenhagen Agreement such as the rule of law and the respect for andprotection of minorities. According to the Commission (2008b), expansion in generaland Turkish membership specifically would strengthen the EUs foreign policyweight in the world. Furthermore,Turkeys geographical location makes it well-suited as a transit country for oiland inbred gas and it could therefore play a strategic role in securing theEUs energy supply (Gerhardsand Hans, 2011 744). Turkish membership could suspensor to securestability and security in the Balkans and Caucasus. The EU could then increaseits energy security and also decrease its defence expenditures (Togan, 20041043-1044). This paper argues that thisis indication that Turkey should be allowed to join the EU.RecommendationsIn order to maintain its intrusion on political reform underthe conditions of political unrest, the EU will choose to reassure applicantgovernments of the credibility of its commitment to enlargement and movenegotiations with Turkey closer to the endgame.Creating uncertainty about admission tear down after full compliance destroysthis credibility and will reduce the effectiveness of conditionality even further(schimmelfennig, 2008 933). Overall,this policy note recommends that Turkey should be allowed to join the EU on thebasis of EU economic development and foreign policy advantages provided itagrees to make continued efforts in the realm of human rights. The issues with regards to human rights in Turkey underlinethe importance for the EU to enhance its engagement with Turkey. This paper recommends that the overall legalframework and practice on the intervention of law enforcement officers shouldbe brought in line with European standards to guarantee under all circumstancesthe right to freedom of assembly.Additionally, an ECHR-compatible legal framework has yet to beestablished on matters of faith and conscientious objection. Substantial efforts are essential to effectivelyguarantee the rights of women, children and LGBT individuals (Progress Report,2013 2). These shortcomings need to beaddressed in order for Turkey to be a successful member of the EU. In regards to immigration associated with the accession ofTurkey to the EU, this paper recommends that government leaders will need toadopt measures to allay fears among EU citizens, perhaps including provisionfor a delay period on the free movement of labour provision (McClaren, 2007274, Gerhards and Hans, 2011 763).In conclusion, this report argues thatEU-membership will work as a catalyst for Turkish institutional reforms. Turkey has made progress towards meeting agood amount of the accession criteria, and by becoming a member of t he EU,Turkey has to conform to all EU legislation and enforcement by the European romance of Justice. Furthemore, via themethod of open coordination, Turkey will regularly be assessed by the EuropeanCommission and other member countries on its economic policies. EU membership can thus trigger institutionalreform in Turkey and reduce widespread corruption (Lejour and de Mooij, 2005101). BibliographyAlber, J. 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